Over the past 20 years, the world has been dominated by the production and distribution of goods and deliverables from what was understood traditionally as Communist China. 

But is China still operating in a classically Marxist/communistic economic system or has China been transitioned into a vengeance-seeking fascistic model reminiscent of the Third Reich’s National Socialism of 1930’s Germany or Mussolini’s fascist Italy?

China has been transformed into a corporatist, fascist, totalitarian state over the past 50 years – becoming the economic and military superpower that, supposedly, America must become in order to defeat.  But more than that, China is now asserting itself on the world stage with an insistence that Xi Jinping must be at the wheel of a new, global, big ship

During this morning’s World Economic Forum Digital Davos Summit, World Economic Forum’s Klaus Schwab introduced China’s Chairman Jinping who made the following (paraphrased) statements:

“We cannot be 190 separate boats all trying to separately battle challenges and disruptions but instead we must become one big ship.”

So at the World Economic Forum, fully embraced by Klaus Schwab, China’s Chairman Xi Jinping is stating that the nations of the world must not be independent sovereign nations but must now operate as interconnected and dependent parts of the whole of a “big ship” supranational government – which will of course be led by China, the World Economic Forum, and other technocrats who have helped to facilitate the transition to communo-fascism. 

Chairman Xi Jinping then made a statement insinuating that if formerly capitalist nations “slam on the breaks” from transitioning into communist-fascist nations like China, there will be serious negative consequences.

What has led China and Chairman Xi Jinping to this point of global threats combined with an obvious attempt at economic domination?

Author Sam Hudson makes the following observations in his article Red Star to Black Sun: China’s Descent into Fascism found at Cambridge’s Varsity:

“In 1995, Umberto Eco provided one of the most comprehensive definitions of fascism in his essay Ur-Fascism.”

The first property of Ur-Fascism, a syncretic “Cult of Tradition,” was embraced by Xi Jinping at the start of his rule and has only strengthened since. 

President Xi’s promotion of traditional Confucianism blended with socialist rhetoric flies in the face of Mao’s infamous Cultural Revolution that sought to end traditionalist thinking and values in China, and shows a clear departure from the authoritarian system of socialism imposed by Mao. 

Much like the “Mare Nostrum” myth of Italy or Aryanist myth of Germany, this cult of tradition reforges China’s national myth to hark back to a mythic, great, imperial past.

So – Before Xi, China’s myth was characterised by a common revolutionary narrative that celebrated the triumph of the worker and the peasant over systems of capitalist oppression. 

This national myth has since become irrelevant and unrelatable to many, as China’s middle class has burgeoned, forcing a transition to a new one.

In fact, appealing to a frustrated middle class is Eco’s sixth property of Ur-Fascism. 

Similar to Japanese ultranationalism, Chinese fascism itself engenders feelings of frustration in an otherwise content middle class by weaving an element of political humiliation into its own myth that it seeks to then solve.

Like Japan’s Asia for Asians myth, the new national myth proposes that China’s historical greatness was unjustly undermined by the imperialist slights of European powers through China’s century of humiliation,” and that expansionist and imperialist foreign policy is justified by righting historical wrongs.

In the eyes of the Chinese fascist, until all these historical wrongs are righted, China’s humiliation continues and national rejuvenation,” Xi Jinping’s ultimate goal, cannot be achieved. 

This framework explains China’s eagerness to reclaim and integrate historical core territories such as Hong Kong and Taiwan with disregard for international ramifications.

In China, disagreement with the government and the national myth becomes treasonous by virtue of extending the “Century of Humiliation,” yet another property of Eco’s definition.

Protesters in Hong Kong were smeared as CIA moles by much of Chinese media because, in their eyes, rejecting the government only continues China’s humiliation by the West – and therefore there is no reason why a Chinese citizen will reject the government unless they are disloyal.

This idea of national humiliation that is prolonged and furthered by Western infiltration has lead to “an Obsession with Plot”, much like the “Stab-in-the-Back” myth of Nazi Germany.”

Hudson continues by making this frightening observation:

This has led to a surge in “statist” jurists who support an expansive view of state authority that prioritises stability of the nation above all else, for external threats cannot be properly defended against otherwise. 

Statists have been heavily influenced by the work of Carl Schmitt, Hitler’s “Crown Jurist”, who articulated very similar views that sought to defend against a supposed “plot” against the German state and people. 

This has justified dystopian surveillance infrastructure and methods, such as the social credit system, in addition to the ongoing persecution and genocide of minorities such as the Uighurs. National security, in their eyes, must be prioritised above all else.

Pulling back the red veneer of China’s government lays bare a dark reality: that the world’s second superpower is a fascist one. 

We can no longer treat China as a remnant of the Cold War, the Soviet Union that could have been.

The policy of “national rejuvenation” is setting China on a collision course between America and itself, 

for the tacit goals of the Chinese government cannot be achieved without significant concessions that would significantly diminish America’s global standing. 

China has transitioned from a formerly Marxist-Gramscian modeled nation into a fascist superpower whose rise to dominance is based on past grievances and a global pursuit of “social justice” for perceived wrongs done by the west to China.  

Concepts such as Thucydides Trap have been used to prevent defensive measures by the United States to slow or stop the building of a totalitarian, neo-colonial, fascist superpower whose name, in Chinese, is vengeance.

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